I have thought that Walden Pond would be a good place for business... it is a good port and a good foundation.

re-surveying walden

edge operations




working text

variants from research writing. graphic version here.


Ice-harvesting seems, perhaps, a strange place to begin reading Thoreau. How odd to dig though transcendentalist musings on a pond merely to, in Lewis Carroll fashion, come out the other side entangled with the cotton of Calcutta or the confectionery connections between cloves, lager, and frozen seafood shipping. (Imagine, the Romantics and something like imitation crab are materially linked. Maybe you missed that Connections episode…) And yet, in the ice at Walden Pond—marking, measuring, and plotting—was precisely where Thoreau began his surveying career. In the wider chapter “The Pond in Winter,” his descriptions of triangulation and soundings stand as a foil to the final, comic sketches of ice excavation that underpinned the frozen water trade. 1 Thus while Thoreau takes great pains to find the ‘depths’ of Walden, outline coves, sand bars, and erase practical anchors (pre-marked town boundaries, property lines, magnetic north), the ice-trade is easily an index to Thoreau’s anxieties about the ‘breadth’ of the era’s commercial surveying/navigation engagements.2 Taken together, Thoreau’s depiction and interests provide an opening to explore the links between the democratization of climate control and the mechanisms of colonial trade.




[Revised, Published Survey, from Chura, Thoreau The Land Surveyor]


This essay/mapping proceeds in four steps: First, Thoreau’s condensed description follows, to give the un-initiated a taste of transcendentalist sarcasm, from glocal to global targets. (As if hipsters invented the arcane, academic critique, as if…) Second, we’ll explore Thoreau’s observations on ice and rail transport, tracing emerging markets and the relayed condensation of distance at an intermediate scale. (Less imitation crab, and more milk and beer in Boston…) Third, moving from rail to sail, we’ll examine the trade triangles, charter/tariff structures and cartographic improvements underpinning ice’s use as a ‘backhaul’ and ballast good. (Yes, finally, imitation crab and Indian cotton!) To extend this interrogation of trade triangles, the last section will touch on Thoreau’s symbolic geographies, examining his embedded, literary critiques of mercantile colonialism. 3







[Surveying Thoreau’s Ice Encounters by meg studer]


Observed in 1847 and composed for publication in 1854, Thoreau related the ice-harvesting incident at Walden Pond as follows (edited, condensed by author):


    While yet it is cold January, and snow and ice are thick and solid, the prudent landlord comes from the village to get ice to cool his summer drink. . .He cuts and saws the solid pond, unroofs the house of fishes, and carts off their very element and air, held fast “by chains and stakes like corded wood, through the favoring winter air, to wintry cellars, to underlie the summer there. It looks like solidified azure, as, far off, it is drawn through the streets. . .


    In the winter of ’46-7 there came a hundred men of Hyperborean extraction swoop down on to our pond one morning, with many car-loads of ungainly-looking farming tools, sleds, ploughs, drill-barrows, turf-knives, spades, saws, rakes, and each man was armed with a double-pointed pike- staff, such as is not described in the New-England Farmer or the Cultivator…So they came and went every day, with a peculiar shriek from the locomotive, from and to some point of the polar regions, as it seemed to me, like a flock of arctic snow-birds…


[Tools of the Trade, Ice Excavations at Scale by meg studer]


    To speak literally, a hundred Irishmen, with Yankee overseers, came from Cambridge every day to get out the ice. They divided it into cakes by method too well known to require description, and these, being sledded to the shore, were rapidly hauled off on to an ice platform, and raised by grappling irons and block and tackle, worked by horses, on to a stack, as surely as so many barrels of flour, and there placed evenly side by side, and row upon row, as if they formed the solid base of an obelisk designed to pierce the clouds. They told me that in a good day they could get out a thousand tons, which was the yield of about one acre. . .They stacked up the cakes thus in the open air in a pile thirty-five feet high on one side and six or seven rods square, putting hay between the outside layers to exclude the air. . .They calculated that not twenty-five per cent of this would reach its destination, and that two or three per cent would be wasted in the cars.



[Revised Walden Survey, Ice Excavations Areas by meg studer]


    However, a still greater part of this heap had a different destiny from what was intended; for. . . it never got to market. This heap, made in the winter of ’46-7 and estimated to contain ten thousand tons, was finally covered with hay and boards; and though it was unroofed the following July, and a part of it carried off, the rest remaining exposed to the sun. . .Thus the pond recovered the greater part. . .Thus for sixteen days I saw from my window a hundred men at work like busy husbandmen. . .probably, I shall look from the same window on the pure sea-green Walden water there, reflecting the clouds and the trees, and sending up its evaporations in solitude, and no traces will appear that a man has ever stood there. . .


    Thus it appears that the sweltering inhabitants of Charleston and New Orleans, of Madras and Bombay and Calcutta, drink at my well. . . I lay down the book and go to my well for water, and lo! there I meet the savant of the Bramin, priest of Brahma and Vishnu and Indra, who still sits in his temple on the Ganges reading the Vedas. . .our buckets as it were grate together in the same well. The pure Walden water is mingled with the sacred water of the Ganges. With favoring winds it is wafted past the site of the fabulous islands of Atlantis and the Hesperides, makes the periplus of Hanno, and, floating by Ternate and Tidore and the mouth of the Persian Gulf, melts in the tropic gales of the Indian seas, and is landed in ports of which Alexander only heard the names.4


[Boston Ice Industry, Destinations and Related Goods Relays by The Distopians (meg studer)]





Despite flourishing in the 1830s, Boston’s ice industry bore all the foundations for dispersed refrigeration during Thoreau’s writing and revision of Walden (1847-54). During this era between 16 (1841) to 12 (1854) local companies were engaged in ice extraction and distribution.5 Patented harvest tools (1829) and domestic iceboxes were widely available (Tudor’s in 1817, Kepharts’ in 1844, etc.).6 And, almost 18,000 Boston households received weekly deliveries, paying roughly $2/month or, in today’s prices, about $50/month, for refrigeration.7 Trade and consumption statistics circulated publicly, if irregularly, in The American Almanac (1848), and were expanded in Chamber’s Journal (1849), and, later, Annual Report of the Boston Board of Trade (1855-on), The Cyclopedia of Commerce and Commercial Navigation (1860), Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture (1863), and the U.S. Census, Special Reports (1880/3, 1900/5).8 While Boston’s export structure was unique (as a shipping and ship-building center), similar centers of regional extraction and consumption were, by the 1840s, found along the shores of the Hudson, Schuykill, and other northern, peri-urban rivers and lakes. Thus, far from an isolated incident at Walden, several Boston ponds were harvested annually (twice in cold years), with collections split between open piles and insulated ice-houses (with 250,000 tons of capacity in 1847). 9


[Boston Ice Industry1806-86 from the Essex Institute, highlights of Walden period by meg studer]


Thoreau’s description, as quoted above, focuses predominantly on the instruments of harvest, including area, labor, tools, insulation mechanisms, seasonal alignments, and melt loses. In some sense, his succinct summary incorporates details from Nathaniel Wyeth’s article in The American Almanac of 1848-49, retracing its trajectory from labor and instruments to export trade. Thoreau, of course, paints an image balancing subtle alienation (from agricultural aims and cycles) and the fanciful futility of melt, as his text moves from the prerogatives of landlords to re-purposed implements, ephemeral laborers, and dubious disappearance. Instead of initiative and grit overcoming adversity, entropy overwhelms the aspirations of property and profit.


While rail features abundantly, and ambivalently, in Thoreau’s larger sense of social connection and industrial disruption, in this episode he only captures its ‘shrieking’ role in ice extraction.10 This, of course, should not be under-estimated. The industrial ice harvesting at Walden was directly due to the Fitchburgh line’s extension through Concord in 1844. The combination of freight times, costs, and infrastructural stability effectively opened up Boston’s ice industry; consistent transport allowed competition, enabling an array of suppliers (mid-1830s) serving wholesale industries, growing domestic, and metropolitan markets to emerge from isolated estate harvests and Frederick Tudor’s internationally oriented, waterborne monopoly (1806-20s).11 Harvesting blossomed along early lines and through transport alliances as harvesters lobbied/subsidized rail extensions for ice and ice-house access. 12



[Boston Ice Industry, Rail Pond Alliances by meg studer]


What Thoreau misses, in focusing on production practices, are the secondary, temporal-spatial feedbacks of primitive refrigeration. Take, for example, Boston’s shifting ‘milk-shed.’ In summer (~80 deg F), raw milk has a shelf life of around four hours, limiting transport options. Thus, urban milk was tied to city breweries, as cows consumed the wastes of fermentation. (Less milk stout and more Dickinson-esque images of adulterated dairy…) 13 Dairy ice consumption—blocks placed atop metal canisters (~55 deg F)— extended product by a day and, combined with rail and ice-boxes, helped revise milk collection and consumption (aside progressive reforms). By 1843, Boston received roughly 10% (200,000 gallons) of its annual supply from 50-65 miles away on the Worcester line. When Walden was published in the 1850s, Boston’s milk-shed had expanded to New Hampshire; wholesalers kept their own ice-houses/stocking ponds along the rail routes. 14


[Boston Ice Industry, Shifting Milk Sheds, 1847+ by meg studer]


While we may wonder about the revised ‘ecologies’ of beer in the wake of iced shipping and 1850s sanitation laws (or rail’s role in market monopolies, etc.), similar alliances were found in other perishable markets (butter, meat, fish) and even the chemical industries (paint, pharma, dyes).15 Given Concord’s shifting market inclusion and Thoreau’s frequent chastisement of farmers seeking profits over the integration of successional and subsistence cycles, it’s strange that he does not hint more at these contentious (urban) reforms and contiguous agricultural re-mappings in his depiction of ice.16



[Boston Milk Shed, circa 1900 by George Whitaker]





A similar sketch of revised shipping sheds could be put forward for interstate and international ice consumption during Walden’s writing. Less radical than either regional re-shaping or Thoreau’s ironic orientalist rhapsody, there is a minor feedback of refrigeration technologies (insulation and ice-packing).17 The 1840-50s saw a range of surplus New England products to the tropics with ice: apples, butter, cheese, hams, salt beef, pork, oysters, fish, and, yes, boiled lobster.18  (It’s basically imitation crab, no? Sent to Barbardos in 1849 by Gage, Hittinger, and Co…) While, Tudor and Wyeth recorded shipping $72,500 of fruit to the Caribbean and Calcutta in 1847, by 1850-51 their fruit shipments were negligible; the low profit (30% vs. ice’s 40-50% over freight costs) discouraged international sale.19


[Boston Ice Industry, Boston Export Goods (grey outline), 1830s-80s by meg studer]


Inversely, Boston’s international ice-trade relied on a range of internal subsidies and shipping innovations.  Tropical melts were subtly reduced by the era’s increased clipper speeds (1830s on) and Maury’s serialized logs and current-optimized routes (1848).20 But given Tudor’s and other’s scattered monopolies and tariff exemptions (West and East Indies), melt was ultimately less important in establishing product price than freight rates out of Boston.21 The major force behind the ice-export business was thus Boston’s trade deficit and the need for cheap back-haul ballasts. This setup, in 1839, was summarized to the Charlestown Wharf stakeholders as follows:


    Ice is taken on freight, not as the foundation of a voyage; but as an incident to the voyage. A vessel would not go to New Orleans or to Calcutta, for the purpose of carrying ice, unless she charged a fair freight. But as she is determined to go (ice or no ice), and as she frequently would go almost in ballast, so she can afford to take the ice at a low freight, provided she can start from a center of general business, such as Boston harbor. This very important circumstance rivets the ice trade to Boston harbor and greatly expands it size.22


This import/export linkage created favorable freight costs and, by 1855, ice came to constitute the port’s largest annual export (by weight, not value).23


[Boston Ice Industry, Clipper Times and Melt, after Maury 1840s-50s by meg studer]



[Physical Oceanography- charts from logs compiled 1840s-50s by M.F. Maury]


Thus, as ballast, ice’s international market growth and contraction was intimately tied to political shifts and wider commercial conquests. For example, the California gold rush’s increased passenger and provision shipments (around the Cape Horn) are mirrored in increased in Brazilian and Peruvian ice tonnages (1847-1855, beneath the global map). Local expansions in colonial consumption reflect the utilization of ice as the first freight leg(s) for shipping Brazilian sugar, molasses, Peruvian and Argentinian meat to San Francisco. 24 These shifting destinations, from industrialized Europe or New England to the West Coast, present difference of quantity and not kind. In either case, ice was entangled, literally, in the tropical circuits of slave and plantation-based sugar production. Likewise, the southern U.S. ice market, dominated by Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, underpinned Boston’s importation of cotton, indigo, tobacco and sugar. The northern demand for raw resources, amidst industrial intensification, subsidized elastic consumption and enabled the doubling of the interstate ice trade before the civil war (52,000 tons in 1847 to 97,200 tons in 1860).25



[Boston Ice Industry, Boston Triangulations and Backhaul (yellow, white outline), 1830s-80s by meg studer]





Thoreau’s final rhapsody, his subtly sarcastic embrace of Walden ice in ‘post-Alexandrian’ ports (see below), focuses on East Indian routes, implying an interest in those more distant products and politics. While ice subsidized a diverse array of materials between the 1830s and 70s—graphite, jute, coffee, saltpeter, tea, palm oils—the most highly publicized was the cotton trade. As early as 1843, Hittinger, Gage & Co. traded entire shipments of ice for Indian cotton, which was taken to Liverpool and sold.26  In 1847, Boston shipped 8223 tons of ice to Mumbai, Madras, and Calcutta. By 1864, this had leapt to 14,391 tons and would climb to 17,000 before declining in the 1870s. 27 Thus, this triangulation sustained the export industry during the civil war, as the collapse of southern consumer and cotton markets deepened the ties between ballast-ice and British East Indies control and crops.



[Boston Ice Industry, overall import/export trends 1830s-1900 by meg studer]


Instead of direct, economic engagement, Thoreaus’ orientalist poetics of the Ganges, his final trade toponyms show a classicizing, but critical interest in these routes. His narrative of navigation weaves from Atlantis (New?), geographically, out of the Mediterranean, down the gold coast and around the Cape of Good Hope to meander round the Indonesian archipelagos and Arabian Ocean via monsoon winds. In line with Thoreau’s interest in the on-going (Atlantic) Coastal Survey, this could be read as a narrative of geographic ‘types,’ moving from the linear, episodic logs (periplus) of 400 BCE Carthage (a textual form akin to Dutch coastal profiles) to the open-ocean, climate-driven charting of Dalrymple (1790s/1800s East Indies) and Maury’s physical oceanography (1840s-60s). Yet, more than graphic samples or surveys, Thoreau’s mention of the Periplus of Hanno aside Ternate and Tidore touches on two conflict-driven symbols of British colonial trade and mercantile expansion. His ambivalent rhapsody implies that political entanglements are the ultimate drivers (favoring winds) of ice-shipping and the frozen water trade.


Working backwards then, Thoreau’s mention of Ternate and Tidore alludes to the continual East Indies/Spice Islands turmoil between (Portuguese,) Dutch, Spanish, British, German, and arrayed Sultans/Malacca cultures since the time of Magellan and Drake. Borrowing from Milton’s Paradise Lost, Thoreau’s citation of ‘Ternate and Tidore’ re-casts the industrial ice trade within the lineage of mercantile excess.28 In Milton, Satan’s airy flight, indexed by the billowing sails of the spice fleets, offers a sublime imagine of evil dispersed, yet singular and vast; an implicit critique of colonial expansion:


    As when far off at sea a fleet descried

    Hangs in the clouds, by equinoctial winds

    close sailing from Bengala,

    or the isles Of Ternate or Tidore, whence merchants bring

    Their spicy drugs; they on the trading flood

    Through the wide Ethiopian to the Cape

    Ply, stemming nightly toward the Pole: so seemed

    Far off the flying Fiend.


(Paradise Lost 11:636-43)


Playing off Milton’s imagery of an aerial fleet ‘stemming nightly toward the Pole,’ Thoreau’s larger description of climate contrasts bleeds together transport means, “So they came and went every day, with a peculiar shriek from the locomotive, from and to some point of the polar regions, as it seemed to me, like a flock of arctic snow-birds…” Thus, via dispersed depictions and literary tropes, Thoreau embeds his economic derision of the trade, while causally collapsing Boston and Bengala (as origin) to pun at his own transcendental, class attachments (poking fun at drinking with the Boston Brahmins, from Emerson to Frederick Tudor, ‘The Ice King’).


Aside Milton’s trajectory, Thoreau’s Periplus’ insertion also expresses ambivalence about the economic alliances of the global ice trade. Thoreau, from his Harvard education, would’ve been aware of Hanno’s text/Carthage’s shifting valence as a commercial, republican model of state, a mixed metaphor for Boston, and an abolitionists’ exemplar of extinguished or enslaved societies. Carthage was a Phoenician trading center in North Africa (9th c- 146 B.C.E.) known for its’ wide command of Atlantic commercial routes and ultimate annihilation by the Romans (146 B.C.E.). Across the Atlantic, enlightenment-era boosters played on the triumphant rhetoric of ‘being’ Carthage; an apologists’ image emphasizing commerce while hinting at the colonial decimation of the native populations. But, amidst 18th century tax squabbles, the rhetoric was re-defined. Britain became Rome.29The Thirteen Colonies became Carthage. Quoting the Roman statesman Cato the Elder, Parliamentarian Charles Van urged his peers in the House of Commons to destroy those responsible for the Tea Party by saying, “agreed to the flagitiousness of the offence in the Americans, and therefore was of opinion, that the town of Boston ought to be knocked about their ears and destroyed, ‘delenda est Carthago’ . . . you will never meet with that proper obedience to the laws of this country, until you have destroyed that nest of locusts.”30 After the Revolution, abolitionists increasingly used Hanno to talk about Carthage’s African colonialism; annihilation served as a secondary warning against engaging Southern/Spanish slave trade. Mixing abolitionist sentiment with classical, colonial reference, Thoreau’s secondary allusion and elision of Boston and Carthage underscores the complexities and inevitable culpabilities forged at the scale of global trade.



[Surveying Walden by meg studer]






[1] Thoreau, Henry David. “The Pond in Winter” Walden (Philadelphia: Henry Altemus Company, 1899), 319-336.


[2] For a thorough reading of both the initial surveying at Walden and the larger intersection of Thoreau’s survey work with the evolving disciplinary shifts from natural history to science see: Chura, Patrick. Thoreau The Land Surveyor (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010). Walls, Laura Dassow. Seeing New Worlds: Henry David Thoreau and Nineteenth-Century Natural Science, (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995).


[3] As many Walden readers know, part of the problem with using the canon as a lens is the cacophony of voices. Thoreau’s ice incident has sparked some very thorough international economic and geographic histories of the trade. In particular, see Dickason, David, “The Nineteenth-Century Indo-America Ice Trade” in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No 1 (Feb. 1991) 53-89.  Herald, Marc. “Ice in the Tropics: the Export of ‘Crystal Blocks of Yankee Coldness’ to India and Brazil” Revista Espaco Academico, No 126 (November 2011) 162-177.


There are, however, varying levels of textual finesse from those in literature, history, and geography. In particular, Dickason misreads Thoreau, saying, ”First, Thoreau’s romantic and oft-quoted lines are essentially incorrect-forgiving, of course, his twisted mental map of Asia on poetic grounds. Ice in India was not procured mainly for Brahmins or their servants, but rather for the Indo-Anglian elites of the great Presidency seaport cities.” (55) While Dickason’s wider corrections to a narrative of ‘Yankee ingenuity’ (objections 2-8) politically and socially situate the ice trade, his reading of description as transparently correct or in-correct neglects both the contents of Thoreau’s poetic critique and the double-coded play on the ‘Brahmin’ class of ice consumers and traders. See poetic geographies.


[4] Thoreau, Walden, 333-336.


[5]  Annual report of the Boston Board of Trade. (Boston: Moore & Crosby, 1855) 56.  McCullough, James Ramsey. A Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation, (London: Longman et. all, 1850),185.


[6] Weightman, Gavin. The Frozen Water Trade, (New York: Hyperion, 2003), 77.


[7] Tudor, Frederick contribution to Annual report of the Boston Board of Trade. (Boston: Rand & Avery, 1857), 81. Income equivalence from Measuring Worth Project. http://www.measuringworth.com/uscompare/relativevalue.php


[8] These sources form the backbone of the graphic visualizations (along with the other footnoted sources):


Wyeth, Nathaniel. “The Ice Trade of the United States” The American Almanac (Boston: Little & Brown, 1848),  175-180.


“American Ice Trade,” Chamber’s Journal (Edinburg: William and Robert Chambers, 1849), 93-94.


Annual Report of the Boston Board of Trade, Vol. 2 (Boston: Moore & Crosby,1856), 56. Vol. 11 (Boston: Marvin & Sons, 1865) 77. Vol. 14  (Boston: Eastburn’s Press, 1868) 132.


Homans, Issac Smith. “Ice.” Cyclopedia of Commerce and Commercial Navigation (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1860) 1001-1005.


Wetherell, Leander. “The Ice Trade” Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture. (Washington: Gov. Printing Office, 1863) 439-449.


Hall, Henry. “The Ice Industry of the United States." U.S. Census 1880, (Special Reports v22, n13).


Hunt, Arthur L. “Manufactured Ice.” United States Census 1900 (Special Reports v9, n5)  675-697.


[9] Wyeth, 179. Sum given with addition of the Charlestown, 1840’s ice-house capacity from Myerson/Allen & Co. Tudor Wharf: Draft Project Impact Report (Boston: BRA, 1989), 31.


[10] The question of Thoreau’s attitude to and depiction of the railroad, as ‘machine in the garden,’ is central the larger debates on Thoreau’s proto-ecologies, his pastoral position, empiricism and index of industrialization. In Marx’s reading, the overarching pastoral themes are given closure by Thoreau’s entropic, re-incorporation of rail into Nature’s larger cycles (with images of sand subsidence echoing springtime melts). Focused on ambivalent practice, Chura draws out Thoreau’s own surveying triangulation of cabin/pond/rail, emphasizing iterative, symbolic investment over any specific priority.


[11] Weightman, 160-165. More general transport timing/speeds/hauling history taken from Taylor, George Rogers.  “Changing costs and Speed of Transportation and Communication,” The Transport Revolution, 1815-1860. (New York: Rinehart, 1951) 138-144. Used for Footprint calculations/mapping aside historic maps/locations see below.


[12] Pond/rail locations shown on map derived from Wyeth, 179. Wetherell, 442.Hall 23. Since Wyeth only lists ice houses (1847), those sites have been supplemented with likely locations based on Wetherell and Hall’s later ice-pond inventories. Some sites, like Wenham Lake, sit beyond the spatial area of the map.


[13] Harley, Robert Milham. (NYC reformer) Essay on Milk. (New York: Jonathan Leavitt, 1842), p 107-116.


[14] Whitaker, George. The Milk Supply of Boston (DC: Government Printing Office, 1898), Plate 1 Map of Rail-Source Supply, p10-12.


[15] Hull. Description of internal industries (1880) uses p4-5, Chart categories p38-41.


[16] Of course, Thoreau seems to have a passing knowledge of the extended dairy industry, saying in his Journal of 1854,”Some circumstantial evidence is very strong, as when you find a trout in the milk.” Often referenced to an 1849 dairyman’s strike and suspicions of adulteration, but it is equally likely to have been spurred by an interest in dairy legislation, passed in 1854 and 59, seeking to curtail adulteration and urban, ‘mash’ production practices.


[17] Aside the minor trade in perishables, the effects of ice on the internal processes of sailing suggest another direction of research—from how crews carried drinking water, fresh (vs. live) meat, and integrated the routines of melt pumping. These uses and habits, perhaps the most ubiquitous, evade direct market value and thus, present someone else in transit and maritime history with a good log-book project.


[18] Samples of various shipments (as mapped) see primary and secondary sources:


Rasmussen, Louis. San Francisco Ship Passenger Lists: November 7, 1851 to June 17, 1852, 159-160.  (235 boxes of meat, 53 boxes of oysters on the Benjamin Howard in 1852, to San Francisco)


Dickason. 73-78. (Apples, Goshun Butter, Oysters, and Quines, from Tudor MSS, no tonnages listed)


Wyeth. 177 (provisions, fruits, and vegetables-repeated in Wetherell, et. al.)


Roles, Francis. “Trade with the United States” Official handbook of the Ceylon Court (Colombo: Skeen, 1904) 53. (apples, butter, cheese, hams, salt beef, pork and fish, no quantities listed).


[19] Wyeth. 177. Dickason. 76-78.


[20] Taylor, “The Merchant Marine” p104-112 (This included transatlantic packet lines’ regularity of schedule (1812 on), the tripling of ship capacity between 1820-1850s, and streamlined, evolution of clipper designs/speeds by 1848). See Maury, M. F. and Toucey, Issac. Wind and Current Charts, vol II (Washington: Cornelius Wendell, 1859). Most log lists include a calculation of the increased speed enabled by Maury’s revised routes and season.  These logs were used to estimate the June and July speeds of ice shipments (spread 2, lower left corner).


[21] Dickason. 55-56.


[22] ibid. 64. Reprint from the Report of the Committee Appointed by the Stockholders of the Charlestown Wharf Company (I839).


[23] Weightman. 207.


[24] Export tonnage as shown in global graphics from the following sources:


1847- Wyeth (location list) 176. Sum, internal dispersion of tonnage edited down from 1856 location/tonnage in Homas- (22,803 tons instead of Wyeth’s 22, 519 tons).


1853-58, Homas, 1003-4.


Export totals, 1855-64 checked against Boston Board of Trade. 77


Additional Boston years, Herald, 168.


[25] Wetherell. Linked trade products, 441. Tonnages, 440, 449.


[26] P. L. Simmonds Esq., “The Ice Trade of Boston, America,” in Simmond’s Colonial Magazine and Foreign Miscellany Vol. III (Simmonds and Clowes, Foreign Colonial Office, Sept-Dec. 1844): 79.


[27] Dickason, 75. Herald, 167.


 [28] Marandi, Seyyed Mohammad, “”Imaginative Geography”: Orientalist Discourse in Paradise Lost” Pazhuhesh-e Zabanha-ye Khareji, No. 56, Spring 2010. 181-196.


Hodgson, John. “Poems of the Imagination…Wordworth’s Preface of 1815.” Studies in Romanticism Vol. 27, No. 2 (Summer, 1988), pp. 273-288.


[29] Winterer, Caroline “Model Empire, Lost City: Ancient Carthage and the Science of Politics in Revolutionary America” in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 1 (January 2010), p 10-14.


[30] Ibid. 19. The Van statement was re-quoted and distributed in Boston in “House of Commons. Substance of the Debates on the Boston Port-Bill,” [Boston] Massachusetts Gazette, May 19, 1774, 6 (quotation).